The origin of caste politics in Bihar- Part 1

The dates for Bihar Assembly Elections 2025 are likely to be announced in a few days. The term of the current Nitish Kumar’s government is till 22 November 2025. It is a constitutional obligation to form a new assembly by conducting elections before that. So, elections will be completed before that. This time there will be an electoral contest between two important alliances NDA and Mahagathbandhan. However, Prashant Kishore’s Jan Suraj Party is also trying its luck.  In the Bihar election, caste communities serve as crucial electoral entities that decide the outcome. It functions as a critical pressure group.

The alliances are organised along caste lines and people tend to vote based on these affiliations. However this is not a unique feature for Bihar. No state is free from the influence of casteism in politics. Elections all over India fought largely on caste lines.

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Politics is a reflection of social structure. And caste is a fundamental social structure in Bharat. In fact, no other factor has shaped Indian society and politics as significantly as caste. Despite the presence of numerous religions, caste continues to be an integral part of Indian society since ancient times. The connection between politics and caste is evident as political parties bolster their support through caste organisations. Almost all political parties denounce casteism in theory, but they often seek power through caste-based strategies. Political parties often choose candidates based on caste considerations.

Compared to national politics state-level politics is more significantly shaped by caste voting behaviour. The political dynamics in states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Haryana, Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Rajasthan cannot be understood without examining caste relationships. Political discussions in Kerala often centre around the Ezhava community, Lingayat-Vokkaliga rivalry in Karnataka, while in Andhra Pradesh, the Kamma and Reddy castes are prominent. In Gujarat, the Brahmin, Baniya, Patel and Patidar castes are key players. In Haryana it’s Jaat vs non-Jaat. Maharashtra sees conflicts among Maratha, Mahar, and Brahmin groups, while Uttar Pradesh’s politics involves lower and upper castes, as well as Yadavs, Jatavs, Dalits, and other backward classes. So, Bihar is no exception; however, the degree of impact of casteism on election results is on a higher side. 

A closer look at the social infrastructure and its political interactions in Bihar reveals an interesting scenario. Bihar showcases a model that stands apart from any other state, especially regarding the nature of its social infrastructure, its historical development, and its interplay with other elements of the political system. During the colonial era in Bihar, the social structure was heavily influenced by castes and tribes, a situation that was further solidified by the zamindari system. Being the most educated Kayasthas were the first to form the caste-based organisation in the state. In 1889, Bihar Kayastha Provincial Sabha was formed to promote women’s education, allow widow remarriage, and end restrictions on travelling abroad. The Sabha’s leaders also played a key role in the first modern political movement, which aimed to separate Bihar from Bengal. In the beginning, four Kayastha leaders—Sachchidanand Sinha, Mahesh Narain, Nand Kishore Lal, and Rai Bahadur Krishna Sahay—led this movement. Later, they joined hands with well-known Muslim lawyers like Ali Imam and Mazhar-ul-Haque. Together, they formed the Bihar Provincial Conference, which held its first meeting in Patna in 1906 and passed a resolution supporting Bihar’s separation from Bengal. Following the Kayasthas’ example, the Bhumihars also launched the Pradhan Bhumihar Brahman Sabha. This group worked for social, moral, and educational reforms in their community and also represented their demands to the government.

Initially caste reforms and conflicts were mostly limited to specific local areas. However, in the early twentieth century, a few key events transformed these issues into a huge phenomenon: the census. During the fourth census operation in 1901, details about the caste names of individuals were gathered for the first time. The report revealed a total of 2378 distinct castes and tribes across India. Naturally, this raised the question of how to categorise them. As a result, the census not only made each individual aware of their caste status but also intensified the debates surrounding the hierarchy among different castes. To categorise them, the initial approach was to align each jati with one of the four ancient varnas. This census indirectly motivated the communities for the caste based alliances in Bihar.

In 1912 Bihar and Orissa were separated from Bengal. In the new state new opportunities for employment and educational advancement emerged. It benefitted the Kayasthas most as they were the most educated class. Soon prominent figures from other advanced castes observed this trend and sought to motivate their own community members to take advantage of the new prospects in higher education and various government jobs. The contributions of Sir Ganesh Dutta Singh, the Maharaja of Darbhanga, and other influential elites are particularly noteworthy in this context. As competition grew among the educated populace for various job roles and administrative positions, caste sentiments began to surface. The Bhumihars entered the competition. Following them, the Rajputs joined in, and later, Maithils along with other Brahmin sub-castes also jumped into the fray.

The Maharaja of Darbhanga, a key supporter of the Maithils and the founder of the “All India Maithil Mahasabha,” played a crucial role in this regard. As one of the oldest zamindars in the country and an industrialist, he provided generous financial support to Maithil individuals, established numerous institutions, and successfully advocated for the recognition and teaching of Maithili as a language and literature at the university level in Bengal and U.P. Historical records indicate that initially, Maithil elites did not position themselves as a competing group in Bihar. In the early stages, many chose to focus on education outside Bihar, aiming to emerge as intellectuals rather than engage in political affairs.

In the early 1920s the journey of empowering backward castes kicked off with the Janeu Andolan, where the Yadavs and other lower castes started to adopt Brahmanical customs by donning the sacred thread. But the organisation of other backward castes and scheduled castes could not follow the same model because they were lacking in both wealth and education. Nevertheless caste based associations were formed to enhance the social status of the community and resist the oppressive practices. In the early 1930s, three castes- Gwalas or Yadavas, Kurmis, and Koeris came together under the banner of ‘Triveni Sangh’. This period saw the beginning of vote banks based on caste-lines. The Congress struggled to mitigate the harmful impact of caste in Bihar’s politics. In 1935 another group, known as the Depressed Classes League, was established. It formed an alliance with the Congress during subsequent elections. 1937 elections boosted the political mobilisation of castes further. Now the world of electoral politics was changing rapidly. Various castes from different regions of the country came together to establish their own caste organisations. This became clear first during the local body elections and later again in the 1937 elections. The 1937 election allowed each upper caste to play a significant role in the state’s political field.  The caste associations once established to focus on social, educational or charitable activities were now shaping themselves for political battles.

So, during the colonial era five factors were mainly responsible for mobilisation of castes associations into politics. First there was a general discontent among the communities to enhance social status. Politics was a means to achieve this. Second, the census classification allowed them to recognise other castes engaged in similar occupations across different regions of the country. Subsequently, they began to function as a unified caste in contemporary social and political matters. This even allowed multiple castes within the same area to join forces. The third element that contributed to the growth of caste movements was the increasing intensity of caste conflicts in rural areas. There were instances of resistance against the ‘Begari’ system. In Bihar, the emergence of the Gwala movement can be seen in this respect.

Fourthly, the members of lower castes who managed to enhance their economic situations started to seek higher social standing and naturally encouraged their fellow caste men to pursue the same goals. Finally the emergence of caste sentiment was also influenced by government actions, such as the acknowledgment of castes in specific official contexts, including the provision of economic benefits. Certain castes were recognised as martial races, making it easier for them to secure positions in the army. For instance the Yadavas sought the creation of a separate regiment for themselves, similar to the Jat and Maratha regiments.

To sum up, the period before independence in Bihar was largely dominated by the upper castes. The Kayasthas, being the better educated, took full advantage of colonial rule. They were also the first to establish caste associations. The Kayastha’s dominance was soon contested by other caste groups, particularly the Bhumihars, who were economically stronger. The growing ambitions of the Bhumihars and other potential caste organisations, along with their political assertiveness, forced the Kayasthas to ally with the Rajput caste.

The Brahmins made their political debut in Bihar later than other groups. Nevertheless, they gradually improved their status and influence thereafter. As electoral politics gained momentum, caste affiliations were widely acknowledged and leveraged for bigger political mobilisation. Stage was set for bigger future political battles on caste-lines.

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