An email threatening that a bomb has been planted in the Kerala High Court on Tuesday afternoon turned out to be a hoax. The court registrar received the threatening email, following which the Kochi City police were alerted. But a detailed examination of the court premises found nothing suspicious, the police said.

A file photo of the Socio-Economic and Educational Survey being conducted in Mandya.

The release of the population data of castes/sub-castes in Karnataka, as part of the Socio-Economic and Educational Survey (popularly called caste census), has generated much political heat. Though the dominant Vokkaliga and Veerashaiva-Lingayat communities have termed the survey “unscientific” and have called for a new survey, the real underlying fact is the fear among the communities over a possible change in the political landscape and power dynamics between castes at the local level.

Political dominance in most places depends on the sway that certain castes hold locally. The numbers that have now been published are likely to allow the other backward classes (OBCs) to challenge the dominance of a community, which the land-owning Vokkaliga or Veerashaiva-Lingayats normally hold.

In ticket distribution

“Feudal structure at the grassroots can get shaken. If other castes come together, these traditional structures will also come under pressure. Political parties may also start looking at the numbers carefully and distribute the ticket,” said P.R. Ramesh, former Congress MLC. “A big political implication from the published data can be that the parties could try social engineering and justice in the distribution of ticket.”

The 2015 survey by the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes puts the percentage of the Vokkaliga and Veerashaiva-Lingayat communities, which have so far dominated the State’s politics, of the total population in the State to be 10.29 and 11, respectively, far below their claimed figure of about 13% to 15% and 17% to 22%, respectively.

In the current classification of the backward classes, barring about 24 castes among the about 197 castes/550 sub-castes classified as backward class in the State, the rest have had no political representation so far in the Assembly or Parliament through elections, commission sources said. Though many castes get represented in local bodies, there are still castes that have not had any representation at any level.

No money, no numbers

“It has been observed that many of the castes do not have adequate population or money power. Parties do not distribute the ticket to leaders from such castes, which results in a lack of representation. Leadership has also not evolved in such communities,” said K.N. Lingappa, a member of H. Kantharaj commission, which conducted the survey.

Acknowledging the fear of power structure altering on the ground, Akhila Bharatha Veerashaiva Mahasabha secretary H.M. Renuka Prasanna said, “We also fear that the same population data could be used for reservation in local bodies. Already, with 50% reservation in local bodies, efforts are made to reserve the Veerashaiva-Lingayat community-dominated wards to other communities and keep the wards where the caste population is not dominant in the general category. This will reduce the chances of candidates from the community winning elections. Our political representation will come down drastically.”

Delimitation exercise

He also blamed the delimitation exercise, after which the State went to the polls in 2008, for reducing the number of Veerashaiva-Lingayat legislators in the Assembly. “As many as 24 constituencies that Lingayat legislators would win were reserved, including five each in Raichur and Ballari districts. Today, in Ballari, which produced several Lingayat leaders, Lingayats cannot win even one seat,” he claimed.

The fear of both Vokkaligas and Lingayats remains common, and a Vokkaliga leader in the Janata Dal (Secular) said that once the number of winnable constituencies gets reduced, it automatically influences the power structure. “In local bodies, the position of president and vice-president is also reserved. If the number of winnable wards is reduced, the total number of elected representatives from the community also gets reduced. The claim on the president or vice-president posts becomes difficult.” The political manoeuvres become difficult at the local level if the number of other castes are also big, he said.

Chennai: Leader of the Opposition launched a tirade against the DMK government alleging that democracy was being murdered in the Assembly with the Speaker refusing to allow him to speak on issues related to the people and the government indulging in large scale corruption that included the overcharging of Rs 10 per bottle at the TASMAC outlets that fetched Rs 5400 crore of slush money a year.

When AIADMK member Natham Viswanathan faced a problem over the audio system and it created a flutter, the Speaker asked him to get close to the microphone and speak during the debate on the demands for grants for the departments of prohibition and electricity, Palaniswami rose to intervene and raise an issue.

The speaker, M Appavu refused to allow him to speak on the issue relating to the 10 day raid at the offices of the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (TASMAC) that dealt with liquor sales and even expunged whatever he managed to utter in the meanwhile, prompting the AIADMK walkout.

With Palaniswami protesting the Speaker’s decision and leading his party members out of the House, the media brigade caught up with him outside the Assembly hall when he said that apart from the Rs 100 crore corruption exposed by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) that conducted the 10-day raid, TASMAC outlets were collected Rs 10 over and above the MRP for every bottle.

Since TASMAC sold 1.5 crore bottles every day and overcharged the customers, they made Rs 5400 crore every year illegally, he said, adding that he wanted to bring to light the corruption charges levelled by the ED by raising the issue in the House but was bluntly refused permission because the DMK government was afraid of the ED.

Accusing the DMK of taking the people for a ride through its manifesto, Palaniswami said that one of the promises that had not been fulfilled was on monthly billing for electricity. That the government had not implemented the monthly billing procedure in the last four years was a clear indicator of the Government’s failure to keep its promises, he said.

Power cuts had increased in the State and the power traffic had been hiked by 72 per cent as the government was not only not concerned about the problem of the people but was not allowing the opposition to raise such issues in the House by deliberately snapping the connections to the audio system, he said.