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In ICU since 1993, Yamuna still died in Delhi. Can it be revived in 3 years? | Delhi News – The Times of India

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In ICU since 1993, Yamuna still died in Delhi. Can it be revived in 3 years? | Delhi News – The Times of India


Arvind Kejriwal mistakenly claimed that Yamuna gets polluted in Haryana, but it’s Delhi where the major contamination happens due to drains.

Arvind Kejriwal was off the mark when he said Yamuna gets “poisoned” in Haryana. The river, in fact, is still in decent health at its entry point into Delhi from Haryana. It’s along the banks of the capital that life gets sucked out of Yamuna, by the system of drains that empties into it.
What Kejriwal could have brought up is that Yamuna’s flow drops sharply by the time it reaches Delhi, choking the river and making it vulnerable to pollution.

Nevertheless, there’s politics to thank for drawing attention to Yamuna that has been stewing in muck for decades, depriving the capital of the ecological and aesthetic benefits of a river and a riverfront.
Yamuna wasn’t an election issue till Kejriwal brought it up in the Delhi assembly campaign earlier this year. It gave BJP, which went to form the new govt, ammunition to attack the Kejriwal-led AAP regime for its failure to clean up Yamuna over the decade it was in office. It also drew a manifesto promise from the saffron party to clean up Yamuna in three years.
How did it come to this?
Yamuna is, in effect, two rivers. The one that originates in the Banderpoonch glacier and gurgles down the Garhwal ranges of Uttarakhand changes remarkably at Hathni Kund barrage just after it enters Haryana as its waters are diverted into the western and eastern Yamuna irrigation canals.

At Hathni Kund, the river’s original flow is reduced by around 80%. Yamuna is barraged again at Wazirabad in Delhi – for the capital to source its drinking water from. What remains of the river is a turbid stream.
Yamuna also receives an urban shock. Around 22km of its 52km course in the capital is through densely populated areas. Seventeen drains, big and small – principal among them Najafgarh drain that flows down all the way from South Haryana – empty into an already compromised Yamuna in this stretch, delivering the sucker punch.
A river of sewage is born
According to a Jan 30, 2025 monitoring report of Delhi Pollution Control Committee (DPCC), Yamuna is still in decent health when it enters Delhi at Palla, with 6mg/l of dissolved oxygen (DO), 3mg/l biochemical oxygen demand (BOD) and faecal coliform at 950 MPN/100ml (see graphic on how to read a river’s health). Ammoniacal nitrogen was 1.2mg/l, well within standard.
At Wazirabad barrage 30km away, Yamuna’s flow reduces by another 90%. What goes downstream is spillage, and hereon begins the assault on the river. Near Signature Bridge, which Delhi boasts as a modern landmark, Yamuna’s water quality deteriorates sharply at the outflow of Najafgarh drain.

The bridge, which the AAP govt promoted as a tourist destination, is best enjoyed gazing at its towering pylons. Look down and you have a bird’s eye view of the Yamuna turning dark as copious filth from the drain spikes the river. The 57km Najafgarh drain brings with it effluents not just from Delhi but also the large urban sprawl of Gurgaon. It is the spine of the capital’s drainage system, with 126 other drains emptying into it at different points.
After Najafgarh drain, less than a kilometre downstream at ISBT bridge, Yamuna’s BOD reaches 46 (tolerable limit is 3), DO drops to nil and faecal coliform soars to 5,20,000 (outer range of tolerable in 2,500). At its exit in Jaitpur, Yamuna has a BOD of 70 and faecal coliform of 84,00,000. DO remains nil.
For a measure of how much worse Yamuna is today than it was a decade ago, here are the exit readings at Jaitpur from Feb 2013 – BOD 20, faecal coliform 64,000 and DO 1. And for a measure of how bad it can get – since the parameters keep changing – Yamuna’s worst year on record is 2019-20 when its faecal coliform level reached 1,40,00,00,000 (in Nov 2019).
Only around 300km of Yamuna’s 1,376km course is clear or pristine – predominantly the part in Uttarakhand. Around 80% of the sources that pollute the rest of its stream come from Delhi, according to Centre for Science and Environment (CSE). The largest share of Delhi’s pollution, say sources closely associated with efforts to clean up the river, comes from a single source – Najafgarh drain. Towards the river’s exit, several other drains like Shahdara, Tughlaqabad and Sahibabad also empty into Yamuna. So, by the time it enters UP, Yamuna is a river steeped in sewage.
…32 years & Rs 8,000cr of utter failure
There has, over the years, been huge investment in setting up sewage treatment plants (STPs) to prevent precisely this, under the Yamuna Action Plan that was rolled out in 1993. So far, under this plan, an estimated Rs 8,000 crore has been spent just on cleaning up Yamuna in Delhi.
According to a March 2023 note from Delhi’s environment department, between 2017 and 2021, Rs 6,500 crore was spent on Yamuna.
Delhi has 37 STPs that are supposed to prevent Yamuna from getting polluted. But the river’s festering coliform levels show they are not doing their job. There are also untapped sewage paths into the river from the national capital’s unauthorised colonies.

Few rivers have seen as many judicial and bureaucratic interventions as Yamuna. In 2012, environmentalist Manoj Mishra approached National Green Tribunal with a petition to stop sewage flowing into Yamuna. In Jan 2015, NGT chairman Justice Swatanter Kumar spelt out a ‘Maili se Nirmal Yamuna’ action plan. Two years later, it translated into a Nirmal Yamuna Rejuvenation Plan.
The same year, after Supreme Court entrusted its own Yamuna hearings – happening since 1993 – with NGT, a panel that is now called River Rejuvenation Committee (RRC) and is headed by Del- hi’s environment secretary, was formed. RRC’s task was to ensure Yamuna’s critical stretch of 22km in Delhi from Wazirabad to Asgarpur attains BOD of at least 3, minimum DO of 5 and maximum faecal coliform level of 500.
Besides Yamuna Action Plan and Justice Kumar’s action plan, there were several Supreme Court and NGT orders, an interceptor sewer project, and National Mission for Clean Ganga focusing on Yamuna as a tributary that had the common objective of cleaning the river up. manager (water) at CSE told TOI one of the biggest problems that has manifested today was not addressed through all these interventions – connecting unauthorised colonies to the capital’s main sewerage.
Delhi has a huge population living in illegal colonies.
“Most of the expenditure was on building a sewage network and STPs, faecal sludge management from septic tanks, etc. But unauthorised colonies remained untapped. Toilets here are not connected to the sewerage network. They use septic tanks which are emptied and carried by tankers and the faecal sludge is dumped in 22 drains that eventually go to Yamuna. This negates STPs,” said Sengupta. She estimates that around 40% of Delhi’s faecal sludge evades STPs.
Solutions obvious, approach wrong all along
The answers aren’t that difficult – increase the river’s flow, stop sewage from entering the river, revive floodplains and wetlands, clean up Najafgarh drain on a war footing, and coordinate with Haryana and UP to plug sewage and effluents. But for three decades, this has proved to be an impossible job.
Himanshu Thakkar, coordinator of South Asian Network on Dams Rivers and People, said, “This is because no one ever addressed the governance problem. They kept spending on new infrastructure, committees, technology, etc, but refused to address the main issue. You need governance to ensure funds and efforts are directed at the right solution.”
Opacity around STPs is a problem. Like air pollution data, real-time river pollution data should also be in the public domain, both for transparency and accountability. “Industrial internet of things can be deployed to monitor STPs round the clock,” said Sanjay Sharma from Indian Water Quality Association. “Current monitoring is vague and one sample a day does not work. There must also be reverse monitoring in case STPs detect industrial effluents to assess where those are coming from.”
Recently, The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) suggested a 10-point action plan to the Delhi govt for a cleaner Yamuna in three years. Among other things, it recommended a relook at the 1994 water-sharing treaty to improve Yamuna’s flow from Hathni Kund, better monitoring of the river and regular desilting, and adopting a jal shakti ministry-like model that brings all agencies linked to Yamuna under a central regulator.
Desilting Wazirabad barrage will also improve flow, something the BJP govt can take up as a priority. But ultimately, it will have to bargain for a larger share of water from the Upper Yamuna Water Board, which will be a hard task because the Yamuna canals are water lifelines for Haryana.
“The pondage area of Wazirabad must be desilted. More than 60% is silted. If that is fixed, the problem can be resolved to an extent, so that we don’t only rely on a deal with Haryana for water,” said a Delhi govt source involved in efforts to revive the river.
A 2014 study by Delhi University professor Shashank Gupta, Jamia Millia Islamia’s Vikram Soni and Diwan Singh from Natural Heritage First inferred that about 50%-60% of the virgin flow is necessary throughout the year to maintain the health of a river system. Yamuna receives only around 16% of its original flow in non-monsoon months.





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CBI searches 12 places across Odisha over postal recruitment scam | Bhubaneswar News – The Times of India

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CBI searches 12 places over postal recruitment scam in Odisha

BHUBANESWAR: CBI on Wednesday conducted simultaneous searches at 12 locations in the state, including in Bhubaneswar, Kalahandi, Balangir, Sambalpur and Keonjhar, in connection with its probe into irregularities in the Gramin Dak Sevak recruitment during 2023.
“Officers carried out search operations at premises connected to suspects, including intermediaries and individuals involved in producing counterfeit matriculation certificates from the Uttar Pradesh board and the National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS),” a CBI officer said.
The search operations led to the seizure of crucial documents, digital devices and questionable certificates. The CBI team found evidence suggesting that intermediaries charged substantial sums from aspiring candidates to arrange counterfeit educational certificates. The candidates were from various postal divisions, including Balasore, Mayurbhanj, Kalahandi and Berhampur.

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In Bhubaneswar, the searches focused on residential premises and offices linked to key suspects. Similar operations in Kalahandi and Balangir yielded important leads about the network’s operations. Searches in Sambalpur and Keonjhar exposed additional connections to the recruitment scam.
The postal department detected the fraud during physical verification of certificates which were submitted by the candidates online. During verification, postal officials found that the candidates failed to write their names in English and Odia even though their marksheets showed they had secured more than 90% marks in all subjects.
The authorities also raised a suspicion after finding Odia as one of the subjects the candidates passed, though the certificate issuing boards were in other states.





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Tamil Nadu bans mayonnaise made from raw eggs for one year

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Representative image
| Photo Credit: Getty Images/iStockphoto

Tamil Nadu has banned the manufacture, storage and sale of mayonnaise prepared from raw eggs for a period of one year with effect from April 8. The ban, issued in the interest of public health, is on the basis that mayonnaise made of raw eggs is a “high risk food”, carrying a risk of food poisoning.

According to a notification issued in the Government Gazette by Principal Secretary and Commissioner of Food Safety R. Lalvena, any activities related to any stage of manufacture, processing, packaging, storage, transportation, distribution, food services, catering services and sale of mayonnaise prepared from raw egg is prohibited in the State under section 30 (2) (a) of Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006 and order of the Commissioner of Food Safety of Tamil Nadu.

Mayonnaise is a semi-solid emulsion generally composed of egg yolk, vegetable oil, vinegar and other seasonings served along with food items such as shawarma. Mayonnaise made of raw eggs is a high-risk food as it carries a risk of food poisoning especially from Salmonella bacteria, Salmonella typhimurium, Salmonella enteritidis, Escherichia coli and Listeria Monocytogenes, the notification said.

It has come to notice that a number of food business operators use raw egg for preparation of mayonnaise, improper storage facilitates contamination by microorganisms that creates a public health risk particularly by Salmonella typhimurium, Salmonella enteritidis, Escherichia coli and Listeria Monocytogenes, it said.

In any specific circumstances, on the basis of assessment of available information and if the possibility of harmful effects on health is identified but scientific uncertainty persists, provisional risk management measures to ensure that health is protected can be adopted as per the Act, pending further scientific information for a more comprehensive risk assessment.

The notification said that no food business operator should manufacture, store, sell or distribute any food which for the time being is prohibited by the Food Authority or the Central Government or State government in the interest of public health.



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For credible Uniform Civil Code, Hindu law must first be reformed | Chennai News – The Times of India

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Illustration: Shinod Akkaraparambil

The renewed push for a Uniform Civil Code (UCC), with Uttarakhand becoming the first state to enact one, is being projected as a step toward national unity through secularism. But this framing — where opposition to the current UCC draft is cast as opposition to secularism — masks a more fundamental issue: that a just civil code must be rooted not in uniformity for its own sake, but in the dismantling of inequities embedded within existing personal laws, especially those governing the majority.
Reasonable apprehension that the Uttarakhand UCC will serve as a national blueprint arises not only from its substance, but from the absence of reform within the Hindu legal framework, which continues to uphold archaic structures of inheritance, guardianship and divorce.
A credible UCC must begin by reforming the majority’s personal laws — not to single them out, but because the onus of equality lies most heavily where the law has remained unreformed. While minority communities have borne and embraced legislative transformations, Hindu law has retained several inequitable structures under the guise of tradition.
Muslims, for instance, have seen the abolition of triple talaq as a dramatic departure from centuries of practice. The courts have consistently ensured that Muslim women are entitled to maintenance under Section 125 CrPC, as reaffirmed in ‘Daniel Latifi vs Union of India’ (2001), striking a balance between religious tenets and constitutional morality.
Similarly, the constitutional invalidation of Section 118 of the Indian Succession Act has removed unjust restrictions on the right of Christians to make charitable bequests. These are not small revisions. They reflect structural shifts, which minority communities have accepted with dignity and maturity. There is reason to believe that future reforms such as outlawing polygamy or ensuring parity in inheritance for Muslim women will also be met with thoughtful engagement, not rejection. Against this backdrop, Hindu personal law must be the first subject of meaningful reform, not the last.
The coparcenary (joint heirship) system under the Mitakshara school of Hindu law continues to grant property rights by birth, a feudal holdover incompatible with modern ideas of merit, consent and equity. Kerala abolished the Hindu Undivided Family (HUF) system nearly half a century ago, recognising that it entrenches patriarchy and complicates property rights. Yet the HUF persists in the rest of India, largely due to fiscal incentives, not cultural adherence.
Income tax law permits them to function as separate entities, encouraging a proliferation of minor and major HUFs — legal fiction used to shield income and wealth under different names within the same family. This subverts the principle of tax equity and entrenches patriarchal property structures under the guise of legal privilege.
Section 15 of the Hindu Succession Act discriminates against women by prioritising the husband’s heirs over her natal family. If a Hindu woman dies intestate, her self-acquired property often bypasses her own parents or siblings. A just UCC must amend this, ensuring equal inheritance lines for men and women, both marital and natal. In fact, Muslim personal law already provides a more egalitarian model in several respects: it recognises parents as heirs, places restrictions on testamentary freedom, and provides clear shares for women, even if not yet fully equal. These features offer a rich legal vocabulary for building a fairer code.
Despite the Supreme Court’s progressive interpretation in ‘Gita Hariharan vs RBI’ (1999), the law still assumes paternal primacy in guardianship. Any serious UCC must codify the principle that both parents are equal guardians, and custody decisions must be guided solely by the child’s welfare, not the parent’s gender.
Hindu law still clings to fault-based divorce, turning dissolution into an adversarial process. A reformed code must adopt no-fault divorce, recognising the irretrievable breakdown of marriage and affirming mutual consent as the cornerstone of modern separation.
Equally important is the issue of matrimonial property. Today, assets acquired during marriage remain solely in the name of the individual who earned or acquired them — usually the husband — leaving the other partner economically vulnerable. A just civil code must establish the principle of community property, treating all income and assets earned during marriage as joint property. This recognises marriage as a partnership, economic as well as emotional.
Maintenance law remains unpredictable and inconsistent. A UCC must codify a clear, reasonable formula: between one-third to onehalf of the earning spouse’s income, calibrated to the dependent spouse’s own financial capacity. Such clarity would bring stability, predictability and dignity to those navigating separation.
The beauty of India’s legal diversity is that progressive norms exist across communities, often in unexpected places. The Muslim prohibition on unfettered testamentary freedom, the Goa Civil Code’s recognition of legitimacy for children born outside marriage, and the Islamic approach to divorce without blame all offer important models for reform. But this borrowing must be seamless, not spotlighted. The goal is not to parade one community’s practices as more enlightened, but to build a cohesive legal architecture rooted in justice, compassion, and constitutional values.
The risk of the UCC becoming a majoritarian civil code in secular clothing is real. If the Uttarakhand model is replicated nationally without critical introspection, it may perpetuate the very inequalities it claims to abolish.
Uniformity, when built upon unequal foundations, becomes a tool of consolidation, not liberation. The real test of the UCC lies not in whether it is “secular” in label, but whether it is equitable in effect. That journey must begin with dismantling the injustices internal to Hindu personal law, from HUFs and property by birth, to discriminatory inheritance rules, guardianship norms, and opaque maintenance provisions. If the majority community resists such introspection, then the call for a uniform code risks being seen not as a pursuit of equality, but a mechanism of assimilation.
The time has come not just to speak of uniformity, but to start with justice, especially within one’s own house.
(The writer was formerly a judge of Punjab & Haryana high court)





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